Which theorist examined personality in the ego integrity versus despair stage?
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My name is Aleeya and I am from Malaysia. I am an undergraduate student under the Bachelor of Teaching Degree Programme at Institute of Teacher Education Tuanku Bainun Campus in Pulau Pinang, Malaysia. Show
For your information, I am currently carrying out my EDUP3103 (Developmental Psychology for Children and Adolescents) course continuous assessment. In view of your expertise, I would like to ask your opinion about the teaching and learning activities that are suitable to be carry out for Erikson’s theory. I suggested “Create A Glitter Jar” activity. In this activity, students are required to write what have they accomplished in a day and put it into the jar. Do you think this activity is suitable to be implemented for school-aged children, based on Erikson’s theory? Do you have any other suggestions? 50). In both studies, hierarchical regressions indicated that women who had resolved their regrets at age 53 achieved higher levels of ego integrity at age 62, and those who had resolved their regrets at age 62 also had higher concurrent levels of ego integrity. Further, in study 2, generativity at age 53 was found to predict ego integrity at age 62.IntroductionEveryone faces difficult and challenging situations in the course of a lifetime. Some psychologists maintain that only from these hard times can we find the good in life, or achieve meaningful personality development. King (2001) reviews evidence that only by confronting difficult life experiences and integrating them into a more complex self-understanding do adults develop and mature. This process of confronting and processing difficult life experiences and restructuring one’s self and world understanding has been demonstrated to occur for many throughout their adult life (Adler et al., 2007, Helson and Roberts, 1994, King and Smith, 2004, Stewart and Vandewater, 1999, Thorne, 2000). According to Erik Erikson (Erikson, Erikson, & Kivnick, 1986), the tendency to review and restructure one’s past becomes most prominent in old age. At this point he suggests people are more focused on reviewing their past than they were earlier in life, and their developmental task is to come to terms with the lives they have lived and the people they have become. Some who engage in the process become obsessed with past difficulties—often things they regret—and ruminate about what went “wrong” with their lives. As a result, these people become depressed and even bitter, feeling they have led meaningless lives. Others, however, accept their pasts as unchangeable and deepen their sense of connection with other, similarly imperfect people; as they navigate the life review, they develop a deep level of self acceptance. Of course, many people achieve a balance somewhere between these two poles Erikson referred to as “despair” and “ego integrity.” This study is aimed at gaining insight into the early part of this developmental stage, ego integrity versus despair, during late midlife. Erikson broke with many of his contemporaries by proposing that personality development extended beyond childhood into young adulthood, and throughout midlife and old age (Erikson, 1963, Erikson et al., 1986). His model of personality development is still widely studied (e.g., McAdams et al., 1997, Miner-Rubino et al., 2004, Stewart et al., 2001), partly because of his insights into the later stages of adult development: middle and old age. A great deal of empirical evidence supports many of Erikson’s claims, though many studies do not use longitudinal data and relatively few investigate the developmental antecedents of ego integrity versus despair (for a review, see James & Zarrett, 2005). Paradoxically, however, within clinical settings, ego integrity versus despair is discussed extensively (e.g., Cook, 1998, Haight et al., 1995, Kettell, 2001, Kunz, 2002). Therefore, an empirical test of Erikson’s theory with longitudinal data can both inform psychologists’ understanding of the processes underlying his model and provide insight to those who help others navigate late adulthood. Erikson assumed that one of the primary tasks associated with achieving ego integrity was coming to terms with the life one has led. However, this assumption has received little attention empirically (see Santor & Zuroff, 1994, for one exception). In this study, we will assess whether people who report having resolved their life regrets (e.g., about marriage, careers, etc.) attain higher concurrent and subsequent levels of ego integrity than those who report having unresolved regrets. In addition to theorizing that people can achieve ego integrity in late adulthood, Erikson proposed that during midlife, people usually become “generative” by engaging in behaviors such as parenting and teaching that contribute to the well-being of future generations. Erikson and colleagues (1986) stated that although not essential, successfully balancing the tensions of a particular developmental stage aids in navigating subsequent stages; therefore, achieving generativity in midlife should facilitate successfully navigating ego integrity versus despair in late adulthood. Previous studies have found that generativity corresponds positively with ego integrity; however, these studies generally used cross-sectional data (Hannah et al., 1996, James and Zarrett, 2005, Ryff and Heincke, 1983). Using a longitudinal dataset, we will test whether more successfully navigating generativity versus stagnation in midlife corresponds with higher levels of ego integrity in late midlife. Erikson (Erikson, 1980, Erikson et al., 1986) proposed that as people age and pass from one stage to the next, they balance the inner psychological and external social tensions of that stage. Internal forces and conflicts, rather than the successful resolution of a previous stage, necessitate this progression, effectively leading individuals through each of eight developmental stages. The task of the eighth and last stage of development is to come to terms with the life one has lived and the person one has become, or to develop a sense of ego integrity, as opposed to slipping into feelings of hopelessness, pessimism and despair. Erikson specified that during any developmental stage, an individual achieves a “balance” of its associated poles. In old age, as people confront and attempt to balance the tensions of despair and integrity, they do not experience only feelings of despair or integrity. For instance, someone high in ego integrity does not deny negative feelings such as hopelessness or cynicism but instead incorporates these feelings into a dynamic and complex understanding of the world. Successfully navigating this last developmental stage, and achieving a balance leaning toward ego integration, is influenced by past developmental experiences but is by no means predetermined. Rather, success (or failure) in achieving ego integrity depends mostly on individuals’ willingness to remember and review their past. Butler, 1963, Butler, 1974, Butler, 2002, Butler and Lewis, 1982 also studied late adulthood and particularly the “life review,” articulating a process (and outcome) very similar to that associated with ego integrity versus despair. Butler claimed that people review and process their past toward the end of their life by facing past experiences; this “processing” or evaluating of past events is what distinguishes a life review from general reminiscing (Staudinger, 2001). When people successfully work through these memories, they reintegrate these issues into their current self-understandings which brings them a sense of serenity: a feeling that previous internal conflicts and aggravations have been resolved. However, not everyone is able to reintegrate their past, and those who cannot may ruminate excessively and experience extreme guilt, panic, and depression. Others still, might avoid thinking about such past difficulties. According to Erikson’s theory, people must be willing to review and reconsider past difficulties in order to achieve ego integrity. Evidence suggests that avoidance of painful memories may have a positive association with well-being in the short term, but a negative association with maturity and development (see King, 2001). Both Erikson (Erikson et al., 1986) and Butler (1974) spoke in terms of a critical cognitive process that occurs during late adulthood and involves remembering, reviewing and coming to terms with past experiences. Many who study adult development contend that only by dealing with difficult past situations do people develop and mature. Helson, Mitchell, and Hart (1985) observed that for a small sample of women who had reached relatively high levels of ego development by middle-age, there was an “a willingness, almost a desire, to articulate and grapple with conflicting needs, or needs and duties” (pp. 278–289). Narrative research has demonstrated that in telling their life stories, people who display an openness to confront and learn from difficult life experiences have higher levels of maturity than people who do not display such an openness (King et al., 2000, Pals, 2006). Further, people who indicate they have overcome hardships and found redemption from suffering concurrently report higher levels of generativity (McAdams, Reynolds, Lewis, Patten, & Bowman, 2001). The way in which people confront and interpret difficult past events has also been shown to have implications for well-being. When describing hardships, people who convey a sense of closure and foreshadow happy endings (King et al., 2000), or find a sense of coherence and interpret events positively (Pals, 2006) report higher levels of life satisfaction than people who do not frame their life stories in such a manner. McAdams et al. (2001) found a positive correlation between psychological well-being and narratives that include descriptions of negative, difficult life situations that are “redeemed, salvaged, mitigated or made better” (p. 474). Erikson (Erikson et al., 1986) and Butler (1974) considered this tendency to review and process past events to be most prominent in older age. However social scientists have found evidence that such reviews are not limited to old age (e.g., Pals, 2006, Stewart and Vandewater, 1999), and they do not occur for all older adults (e.g., Merriam, 1993). Still, clinical and empirical evidence does suggest that many people in late adulthood engage in life reviews and the developmental process of ego integrity versus despair (Erikson et al., 1986, Hannah et al., 1996, James and Zarrett, 2005, Wong and Watt, 1991). We propose that one of the major aspects of the cognitive process associated with ego integrity is coming to terms with past regrets. In coming to terms with regrets, people accept past situations and no longer experience emotional distress or anguish when associated thoughts surface (Landman, 1993). Some people do this by recognizing that their life actually turned out just fine, perhaps as well or even better than if things had gone as they intended. Other people reappraise the regretted situation (see Updegraff & Taylor, 2000). Ingersoll-Dayton and Krause (2005) observed that one of the cognitive devices older adults used to forgive themselves for a specific type of regret—past transgressions—was “changing evaluation standards,” or acknowledging and accepting past limitations. For past transgressions, and regrets in general, such a focus on the past situation and its constraints, instead of one’s own shortcomings and faults, allows a person to frame his or her past behavior as understandable and forgivable (Erikson et al., 1986, Enright, 1996). Socioselectivity theory suggests that as people age and become aware that the number of years they have left to live is limited, they focus their energy and attention on achieving positive emotional states (Carstensen et al., 1999, Carstensen and Mikels, 2005), which may be accomplished best by resolving regrets. Substantial research has addressed the correlates and consequences of regret and resolution of regret (Gilovich and Medvec, 1995, Landman et al., 1995, Lecci et al., 1994), but few researchers have placed this work in the context of the life cycle. One exception is the work of Stewart and Ostrove (1998) who proposed that life reviews occur throughout adulthood and serve different purposes depending on the person’s age or stage in life. More specifically, they suggested that a life review in middle age can allow a person to make “midcourse corrections.” In two samples of middle-aged women, Stewart and Vandewater (1999) found that the acknowledgment of regret motivated many of the women to make specific life changes to “correct” and therefore “overcome” their regret. Those women who did not make such corrections subsequently suffered from lower well-being. This approach suggests that even in middle age, the process of coming to terms with regrets may help people avoid “despair” and develop toward “ego integrity,” though that outcome was not directly assessed in previous research. Perhaps more generally, then, earlier in life people typically address regrets via decisions and actions that constitute “midcourse corrections.” In older adults, the options for making life changes, as well as their physical capacities, may be considerably reduced. For these reasons, older adults may more often adopt a cognitive strategy for addressing their pasts; regrets can instead be addressed through attitudinal changes or shifts in understanding of events (Rothermund and Brandstädter, 2003, Wrosch et al., 2005). Therefore, it seems likely that people in late midlife increasingly engage in the cognitive aspect of achieving ego integrity versus despair; those able to resolve their regrets should have higher levels of ego integrity than those unable to resolve their regrets. The first objective of this study is to test whether regret resolution is associated with higher levels of ego integrity both within and over time. Erikson theorized that successfully navigating developmental stages prior to ego integrity versus despair was not necessary, but would facilitate the resolution of tensions associated with this developmental stage. Erikson described generativity versus stagnation as occurring during midlife, in a stage preceding ego integrity versus despair. When generativity versus stagnation is a focal tension, people focus on the “maintenance of the world,” and involve themselves in developing and maintaining the natural resources and social institutions future generations require to survive. Parenting, teaching, and mentoring are prototypical expressions of generative behavior (McAdams et al., 1997). Those unsuccessful in resolving the tensions of this stage tend to have little interest in sharing their knowledge, or making the world a better place; such people are most concerned about their own needs and have been called “self-absorbed” (see Van Hiel, Mervielde, & De Fruyt, 2006, for a review). However, people who successfully navigate generativity versus stagnation develop a generalized focus on contributing to others’ welfare (in contrast to caring only for intimate others, cultivated in young adulthood), which in turn facilitates achieving ego integrity. Developing a focus on caring for others encourages people to contextualize their own lives in a more complex framework. For instance, being involved with younger people and their struggles can serve as a reminder of how difficult and complex many life choices are, thereby encouraging individuals to contextualize their own pasts within a framework that acknowledges past constraints and influences. Empirical research has demonstrated a cross-sectional relationship between higher levels of generativity and ego integrity in old age (Gruen, 1964, Ryff and Heincke, 1983); however, there is little evidence that indicates whether midlife generativity predicts later levels of ego integrity. Therefore, the second objective of this study is to test whether higher levels of generativity in midlife are associated with higher levels of ego integrity in late midlife. We drew samples from two longitudinal studies: Stewart’s longitudinal study of class of 1964 Radcliffe College graduates (Stewart, 1974, Stewart, 1978, Stewart, 1980, Stewart and Salt, 1981, Stewart and Vandewater, 1993), and Duncan’s longitudinal study of class of 1964 Smith College graduates (Duncan, 1999, Duncan et al., 2002). Both samples of women were born in the early-1940s and have experienced a significant shift in social expectations for women during their lifetimes. Stewart and Vandewater (1993) described how this generation of middle-class, college-educated women were reared with the very explicit expectation that a woman’s primary role was to support her husband, the family’s “provider.” However during the 1960s and 1970s, as these women graduated from college and set out into the world, the women’s movement gained momentum. These changes in social context led many of them to question and defy previously defined social expectations. Now that these same women are approaching retirement age, and not likely to start new careers, they find themselves in a society that is increasingly accepting of women with professional careers and may even expect women to have both career and family commitments. This complicated history has made this cohort of women particularly well-suited for investigating the developmental issues of interest here. Those who followed the social expectations of their childhood and early adulthood to pursue family roles exclusively may now view their choices by current norms, thereby experiencing regrets related to their careers. However, some who tried to pursue both a career and raise children may experience regrets about their perceived inadequacy in one or both domains. It is conceivable too, that those who believe they had many viable options in regard to their life path might experience feelings of regret and discontent about their choice. Schwartz and colleagues (2002) found that when some people (i.e., “maximizers”) are confronted with too many choices, they experience regret and dissatisfaction with their decision because they believe it unlikely they made the best possible choice. In Study 1, we will use data from the Smith sample to assess whether resolving regret in midlife (age 53) predicts higher ego integrity in late midlife (age 62), and whether resolving regret in late midlife corresponds with concurrent levels of ego integrity. Midlife levels of life satisfaction will be controlled to reduce the possibility that a relationship between regret resolution and ego integrity is due to general life satisfaction. For Study 2, we will use data from the Radcliffe sample; here we are able to use multiple methods (e.g., self-report ratings and observer Q-Sorts) to replicate and extend Study 1. Specifically, previous midlife and concurrent late midlife levels of regret resolution will be tested as predictors of late midlife ego integrity. In this analysis, midlife generativity will also be assessed as a predictor of late midlife ego integrity. Midlife levels of life satisfaction and psychological well-being will be controlled, and in addition, social desirability will be controlled, to reduce the likelihood that a relationship between regret resolution and ego integrity could be attributed to life satisfaction, psychological well-being or social desirability earlier in midlife. Section snippetsParticipants and procedureIn 1994, 226 Smith College graduates of the class of 1964 participated in a survey at their 30th class reunion that was designed by a psychologist and two officers from that class (Duncan, 1999, Duncan et al., 2003, Duncan and Stewart, 2007, Duncan et al., 2002, Peterson and Duncan, 2007). Between 1995 and 1996, at age 53, 141 alumnae participated in a follow-up survey designed solely by social scientists in order to gain more detailed information about their development and personality. Participants and procedureThe data used to replicate and expand on the findings from Study 1 were provided by a cohort very similar to that used in Study 1: the 1964 graduates from Radcliffe College (Adams et al., 1998, Peterson and Klohnen, 1995, Stewart, 1974, Stewart, 1978, Stewart, 1980, Stewart and Ostrove, 1993, Stewart and Salt, 1981, Stewart and Vandewater, 1993, Welsh and Stewart, 1995). The current study draws on data collected in 1996 (N = 119), as well as data collected in 2005 (N = 103) when these women were 53 General discussionThe results of these two studies provide direct support for Erikson, 1963, Erikson, 1980 theory of adult personality as well as less direct support for Butler, 1963, Butler, 1974, Butler, 2002 theory of life review. Further, these results are in line with narrative research showing that exploring and processing difficult life events corresponds positively with maturity (Adler et al., 2007, King, 2001, King et al., 2000, McAdams et al., 2001, Pals, 2006, Thorne, 2000). Both of these studies References (85)
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What researchers today describe as the redemptive self, therefore, serves as a strong model for living a good life among many midlife American adults. In late life, however, and in certain other contexts, narratives that showcase the power of acceptance, rather than redemption, may prove more suitable as good life stories. In narratives of acceptance, the protagonist aims to come to terms with life and the inevitability of loss and suffering, to reconcile conflict, manage (rather than overcome) adversity, and sustain interpersonal bonds of intimacy and warmth. Narratives of acceptance may nourish valued human characteristics like grace, humility, and wisdom. Converging ideas regarding narratives of acceptance may be found in the literatures of narrative gerontology and disability studies, and from writings on the salutary effects of internalizing tragic narratives in psychotherapy and promoting social interventions designed to alleviate pain and promote well-being under conditions of significant constraint. 2019, Journal of Research in Personality Citation Excerpt : In short, this “…coming to terms with a life one has lived thus far” (Erikson et al., 1986, p.70) often involves acknowledgement of regrets. Research suggests that resolving regrets through action (e.g., going back to school) is related to high levels of ego integrity (Torges, Stewart, & Duncan, 2008) and well-being (Stewart & Vandewater, 1999). However, in later life, due in part to the fact that they simply have less time left to live, individuals are generally less able to take action to address regrets (such as completing a degree or having children). Show abstractNavigate Down Previous scholarship examining Erikson’s (1980) constructs of generativity versus stagnation, and ego integrity versus despair has primarily focused on generativity or ego integrity, with little examination of stagnation or despair. The current study uses four waves of longitudinal data from a total of 166 women, ages 43–72, to assess whether these characteristics are best measured via four separate or two bipolar dimensions, and to examine developmental trajectories in resulting scales. We hypothesized developmental trajectory increases for generativity and ego integrity, and declines for stagnation and despair. Results indicated that generativity and ego integrity showed linear increases with no significant decline; however, stagnation and despair showed curvilinear patterns. Findings highlight the importance of examining these constructs independently and longitudinally. 2015, Journal of Research in Personality Citation Excerpt : People can be viewed either as passing through stages in which they undergo qualitatively discrete transitions (e.g., Erikson, 1950; Levinson, 1986), or as experiencing more gradual rises or declines in individual traits (e.g., Roberts & Mroczek, 2008). Finally, personality organization—most usually dynamics—can change as an individual tries new ways of behaving and exercises new coping strategies over his life (McAdams & Olson, 2010; Rothbart, 2007; Torges et al., 2008). The final area of problem solving with personal intelligence involves systematizing one’s goals and plans. Show abstractNavigate Down The personality systems framework is a fieldwide outline for organizing the contemporary science of personality. I examine the theoretical impact of systems thinking on the discipline and, drawing on ideas from general systems theory, argue that personality psychologists understand individuals’ personalities by studying four topics: (a) personality’s definition, (b) personality’s parts (e.g., traits, schemas, etc.), (c) its organization and (d) development. This framework draws on theories from the field to create a global view of personality including its position and major areas of function. The global view gives rise to new theories such as personal intelligence—the idea that people guide themselves with a broad intelligence they use to reason about personalities. 2020, Archives of Gerontology and Geriatrics Show abstractNavigate Down Given that prior research has provided evidence for the role of late adults’ attitudes towards death in their mental health, we sought to understand its underlying sources. Guided by Self-Determination Theory and Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development, two cross-sectional studies examined whether older individuals’ psychological need-based experiences, as accumulated during life, relate to their death attitudes and whether their experienced ego integrity and despair play an intervening role in these associations. Whereas Study 1 (N = 394 late adults; Mage = 75.14; SD = 6.52; 62.9 % female) involved an assessment of need satisfaction only, in Study 2 (N = 126 late adults; Mage = 78.09; SD = 7.17; 61.9 % female) both need satisfaction and need frustration were assessed. Structural equation modeling showed that, across studies, experienced need satisfaction related positively to ego integrity and negatively to despair. Need frustration was related to despair only. In turn, ego integrity related positively to death acceptance and negatively to death anxiety, while despair related positively to death anxiety. Finally, the contribution of need satisfaction to death attitudes was mostly mediated by individuals’ ego integrity. Theoretical and practical implications of these results are discussed. 2018, Archives of Gerontology and Geriatrics Citation Excerpt : In the present paper, data from German (n = 241), Czech (n = 165), and Cameroonian (n = 211) participants are presented. Given the effects reported in the literature for the relations between generativity and ego integrity (e.g., Torges et al., 2008) as well as ego integrity and fear of death (e.g., Fortner & Neimeyer, 1999), we assumed that the former effect should be of medium size, the latter of a size somewhat between small and medium. Thus, the present sample sizes allow the detection of an indirect effect with 0.8 power (Fritz & MacKinnon, 2007). Show abstractNavigate Down This cross-cultural study examined a potential direct effect of generativity and indirect effect through ego integrity on fear of death. In sum, 617 adults aged 60–86 from Germany, the Czech Republic, and Cameroon provided self-report information on their generative concern, ego integrity, and fear of death. Whereas it had no direct effect, generativity had an indirect effect on fear of death: It was associated with increased ego integrity which, in turn, was associated with reduced fear of death. This pattern was verified for the three cultural groups via structural equation modeling. Results suggest that generativity is not sufficient in coming to terms with one’s mortality. Instead, generativity contributes to ego integrity which then helps to face death relatively unafraid. 2015, Palliative and Supportive Care Research article Endocrinology and Metabolism Clinics of North America, Volume 42, Issue 2, 2013, pp. 255-270 Research article Journal of Aging Studies, Volume 27, Issue 4, 2013, pp. 377-386 Show abstractNavigate Down The matrilineal advantage theory suggests that paternal grandparents are more at risk of having little or no contact with their grandchildren. However, there is significant family diversity within Australia and we wished to understand the experiences of a wide range of grandparents in order to determine if the matrilineal theory can be effectively used in practice to identify those grandparents most at risk for estrangement. A convenience group of grandparents with little or no contact with grandchildren (n = 38) told their stories in their own words using narratives obtained through interview or writing. We found that paternal grandparents, as per the matrilineal advantage theory, were more likely to be estranged from their grandchildren when their son divorced, particularly when he was not the resident parent or when he re-partnered. However, in contrast, we found that maternal grandparents who experienced conflict in their relationship with their daughter were also at risk for estrangement. This occurred even when grandparents had previously been highly involved in the lives of their grandchildren. Some estrangements appeared to result from a cultural bias towards the nuclear family form. We argue that practitioners need not only to expand their understanding of the risk categories for estrangement, they also need to actively support parents and grandparents in creating and maintaining wider family support networks in order to improve family resilience. Research article Electoral Studies, Volume 44, 2016, pp. 120-131 Show abstractNavigate Down This study examined how the ideological correlates of left-right identification in the Netherlands changed between 1980 and 2008, and whether these changes were driven by cohort replacement. Analyses on repeated cross-sectional data revealed an increasing association with immigration and a decreasing association with redistribution, secularism, and civil liberties. Cohort differences were found for cultural attitudes: Secularism was most important for voters who were adolescent between 1917 and 1960, while civil liberties were most important for the 1960–1980 cohort and immigration was relatively important for the 1980–2008 cohort. Consequently, over-time changes in the importance of cultural issues, but not redistribution, were partly driven by cohort replacement. This indicates that the left-right distinction is partly shaped by circumstances during voters' adolescent years. Research article IJC Heart & Vessels, Volume 4, 2014, pp. 19-24 Show abstractNavigate Down Sedentary aging leads to adverse changes in vascular function and cardiac performance. We published improvements in vascular function with moderate intensity physical activity (PA) in continuous bouts. Whether moderate intensity PA also impacts cardiac structure and cardiovascular performance of the aging left ventricle (LV) is unknown. We recruited and analyzed results from 102 sedentary older adults ages ≥ 50 from a randomized controlled trial with 3 study groups: control (group 1), a pedometer-only intervention (group 2), or a pedometer with an interactive website employing strategies to increase habitual physical activity (PA, group 3) for 12 weeks. Transthoracic echocardiograms were performed prior to and following the 12 week intervention period to assess cardiac morphology, left ventricular (LV) systolic performance, LV diastolic function, and arterial and LV ventricular elastance. Step count and PA intensity/distribution were measured by a pedometer and an accelerometer. We found no significant changes in cardiac morphology. Further, we found no improvement in the aforementioned cardiac functional parameters. Comparing those who achieved the following benchmarks to those who did not showed no significant changes in cardiac structure or performance: 1) 10,000 steps/day, 2) ≥ 30 min/day of moderate intensity physical activity, or 3) moderate intensity PA in bouts ≥ 10 min for ≥ 20 min/day In sedentary older adults, increasing moderate intensity PA to currently recommended levels does not result in favorable changes in LV morphology or performance over 12 weeks. More prolonged exposure, higher PA intensity, or earlier initiation of PA may be necessary to see benefits. Research article Chest, Volume 143, Issue 6, 2013, pp. 1819-1821 Research article IFAC Proceedings Volumes, Volume 45, Issue 6, 2012, pp. 608-615 Show abstractNavigate Down This paper addresses the problem of tactical supply chain planning under uncertainty and perturbation. Uncertainty is considered on customer demand. Perturbation is seen as the result of one or more events that may affect the production process and modify already taken decisions. We develop an approach based on successive planning steps (rolling horizon procedure). For each planning step, data is updated and real implemented decisions are taken into account. To deal with uncertainty and perturbation, a detailed analysis of the different stages in decision making is done. This leads us to an original modeling of the decision process. A linear programming model is then proposed. Numerical experiments show the benefits of our approach to face uncertain and disrupted environment. ☆ This study was supported by NIA grant T32-AG000117. Collection of the 1996 wave of data for the Radcliffe Study was supported by a grant to Abigail J. Stewart from the Office of the Vice President for Research at the University of Michigan. Collection of the 2005 wave of data was supported by research funds provided by the College of Literature, Science and the Arts associated with Stewart’s Distinguished University Professorship and from the University of Michigan’s Psychology Department. The Smith College alumnae data collections were supported by grants from the University of Michigan, the Henry A. Murray Center at Radcliffe College, and the Louise B., and Edmund J. Kahn Liberal Arts Institute at Smith College. ☆☆We thank Kathy Welch, the University of Michigan’s Social Work NIA writing group, David Winter, Lilia Cortina and Deborah Keller-Cohen for their insightful comments on earlier drafts of this article. Which theorist examined personality in the ego integrity versus despair stage of psychosocial development?Ego integrity versus despair is the eighth and final stage of Erik Erikson's stage theory of psychosocial development. This stage begins at approximately age 65 and ends at death. It is during this time that we contemplate our accomplishments and can develop integrity if we see ourselves as leading a successful life.
Who has given the ego integrity vs Despair stage?Erik Erikson proposed a theory of eight stages of psychosocial development, the last of which is a conflict between ego integrity and despair.
Who is the significant person of ego integrity vs despair?Late adulthood is the time of life after age 65. Psychologist Erik Erikson identified the critical conflict at this point in life as 'Ego Integrity vs. Despair. ' This involves reflecting on one's life and either moving into feeling satisfied and happy with one's life or feeling a deep sense of regret.
Which theorist examined personality in the ego integrity versus despair stage of psychosocial development quizlet?Erik Erikson's ego integrity versus despair stage of psychosocial development is characterized by a process of ______________________. _____________________ memory capacity changes during old age and shows a more pronounced decline around age 70.
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