It reflects confidence in exerting control over ones motivation, behavior, and social environment.

Advances in Motivation Science

Dale H. Schunk, Maria K. DiBenedetto, in Advances in Motivation Science, 2021

7 Conclusion

Self-efficacy theory and research have made important contributions to the study and understanding of human motivation. Researchers have shown that self-efficacy is a key internal motivational process that can be affected by personal and environmental variables and which influences motivational outcomes of choices, effort, persistence, and achievement. Application of self-efficacy principles to diverse contexts suggests some adaptations needed to the original theory. Researchers will continue to explore the operation of self-efficacy and methods of assessment. The hope is to expand the agenda of self-efficacy theory to diverse contexts and populations.

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Self-Efficacy

M.W. Gallagher, in Encyclopedia of Human Behavior [Second Edition], 2012

The Agentic Worldview of Self-Efficacy Theory

Self-efficacy theory emphasizes the importance of the individual and the individual's perceptions of his/her personal capabilities as key determinants of successful outcomes. Self-efficacy theory, and the broader social cognitive theory in which self-efficacy is encompassed, therefore clearly endorses a democratic ideal that suggests that all individuals are competent and capable of being successful, provided they have the opportunities and self-efficacy necessary to pursue their goals. Self-efficacy theory explicitly focuses on how individuals and communities can be empowered with a sense of agency that will facilitate goal attainment. This is important as self-efficacy theory does not presume that individuals who are currently successful are inherently better than those who are not as successful. Rather, self-efficacy theory would suggest that individuals who are currently struggling may not have been provided with opportunities to obtain mastery experiences or modeling necessary to develop high levels of self-efficacy. Self-efficacy theory therefore suggests that it is the responsibility of the government and society to provide everyone with sufficient opportunities to engage in mastery experiences, receive positive social persuasion, and witness positively reinforcing models that will engender a strong sense of self-efficacy.

It is worth noting, however, that self-efficacy theory does not suggest that positive self-efficacy beliefs are the only causes of important outcomes. Rather, as previously discussed, self-efficacy theory is rooted in a theory of triadic reciprocal determinism in which there is a constant interplay between personal factors [i.e., self-efficacy beliefs], behavior, and environmental factors. Self-efficacy theory emphasizes the relative importance of personal factors, but acknowledges that behavioral and environmental factors have profound effects on outcomes. This theory of triadic reciprocal determinism therefore further reinforces the idea that if the effects of the environment are consistent [i.e., an even playing field for all], then self-efficacy beliefs will take on an even greater role in determining human behavior, and ultimately shaping outcomes.

It is also important to note that self-efficacy theory does not advocate a Pollyannaish world view in which positive expectancies for the future are the sole determinant of future outcomes. There has been a recent backlash against positive thinking among many members of the popular press. Books such as Barbara Ehrenreich's Bright-Sided: How the Relentless Promotion of Positive Thinking Has Undermined America have argued that an excessive emphasis on and belief in the benefits of positive thinking has had a detrimental effect on the lives of many individuals and the society as a whole. There is much to be said about identifying the potential pitfalls of naïvely optimistic worldviews or self-help programs that suggest that positive thinking provides almost magical benefits. However, it is important for researchers, clinicians, and the public to recognize the distinction between these less scientific theories of positive thinking and empirically based theories such as self-efficacy. Self-efficacy beliefs are in no way proposed to be a panacea for all of the ills of the world nor are self-efficacy beliefs proposed to be the only psychological factor that may determine important life outcomes. Rather, self-efficacy theory proposes a more measured worldview in which opportunities to experience or witness success may promote positive evaluations of one's capacities to succeed in the future which in turn increases the likelihood of subsequent positive outcomes.

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Health Behavior: Psychosocial Theories

S. Sutton, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

1.3 Self-efficacy Theory

Self-efficacy theory [SET] is a subset of Bandura's [1986] social cognitive theory. According to this approach, the two key determinants of behavior are perceived self-efficacy and outcome expectancies. The latter construct refers to the perceived positive and negative consequences of performing the behavior. See Schwarzer and Fuchs [1996] for a version of this model that incorporates risk perceptions and behavioral intention, as well as components of the action phase of behavior change. No meta-analysis of SET has been published, though there is substantial evidence for the predictive validity of self-efficacy [Schwarzer and Fuchs 1996].

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Exposure in Vivo Therapy

Wiljo J.P.J. van Hout, Paul M.G. Emmelkamp, in Encyclopedia of Psychotherapy, 2002

II.C. The Self-Efficacy Theory

According to the self-efficacy theory of Albert Bandura, published in 1977, therapeutic change can be brought about by experiences of mastery arising from successful performance. Bandura has proposed that phobic behavior is influenced more by self-efficacy judgments than by outcome expectations. He argues that a person's self-efficacy can be improved by those psychological procedures, which enhance the level and the strength of the self-efficacy. Implicity, he states that an exposure procedure is not a necessary condition to obtain therapeutic change. Self-efficacy can be improved by various treatment procedures. Field mastery experiences are, however, considered a critical ingredient of treatment of phobic disorders. Thus, in the selfefficacy theory, the psychological mechanism of change is a cognitive one, whereas the most effective psychological procedure is a behavioral one [performance-based]. According to Bandura, perceived self-efficacy through performance successes depend on various personal and situational factors, for example, difficulty of the task, amount of effort subjects expend, and the temporal pattern of their successes and failures. The model posits a central role to information processing. It states that subjects process, weight, and integrate information about their capabilities, and they regulate their behavior and effort accordingly. Strong relationships have been found between perceptions of self-efficacy and changes in phobic behavior by different treatments [including exposure therapy] for various phobias. On the other hand, there is also some evidence that seems in conflict with the self-efficacy theory. Some studies found that although self-efficacy predicted self-reported change, it did not have a significant relationship with behavioral or physiological change.

More recently, Bandura extended the self-efficacy theory by stating that phobic anxiety derives from both low self-efficacy for performing overtly, and from low self-efficacy for exercising control over scary thoughts. Overall, self-efficacy seems a powerful measure in predicting dysfunctional behavior. The self-efficacy mechanism has recieved considerable support from research in describing the relationship between what subjects think they can manage and what they can manage both before and after treatments for phobic complaints.

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Considering Creative Self-Efficacy: Its Current State and Ideas for Future Inquiry

Steven M. Farmer, Pamela Tierney, in The Creative Self, 2017

Self-Efficacy and Identity

In line with self-efficacy theory’s tenet that efficacy in related but broader domains may generalize to more specific domains [Bandura, 1997], a few studies [Bui & Baruch, 2011; Tierney & Farmer, 2002] have found a connection between job self-efficacy and CSE, with one study [Tierney & Farmer, 2011] detecting a pattern in which jobs self-efficacy predicted CSE during a 6-month time period. Interestingly, a study examining a more general self-efficacy across domains found no association with CSE [Baron & Markman, 2004]. In terms of other self-concept constructs, studies have found that individuals who held creativity as part of their individual identity profile through either a personal creative identity [Jaussi, Randel, & Dionne, 2007; Karwowski et al., 2013] or a creative role identity [Tierney & Farmer, 2011] reported a stronger sense of confidence in their creative capacity.

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Why Self-Talk Is Effective? Perspectives on Self-Talk Mechanisms in Sport

Evangelos Galanis, ... Yannis Theodorakis, in Sport and Exercise Psychology Research, 2016

Cognition: Self-Efficacy

Bandura’s [1997] self-efficacy theory has been central in the field of human motivation and offers a sound framework that can partly accommodate the effects of self-talk on performance. Among the sources of self-efficacy, Bandura, in his original formulation of the theory, identified the small but potentially important role of verbal persuasion from others. Further considering the role of the verbal persuasion source, Hardy, Jones, and Gould [1996] argued for the importance of one’s own self-persuasion through self-talk. Athletes can enhance their self-efficacy through statements addressed to themselves regarding their capabilities to attain certain outcomes. As self-talk has been linked to performance, self-efficacy may have an important mediating role in this relationship.

In a primary attempt to test this hypothesis, Hardy, Hall, Gibbs, and Greenslade [2005] examined the effects of instructional and motivational self-talk has on self-efficacy using a sit-up task. In general, the results revealed that both instructional and motivational self-talk were positively related to self-efficacy. Additionally, self-efficacy was positively related to sit-up performance, but neither self-talk dimension was related to performance. Hatzigeorgiadis, Zourbanos, Goltsios, and Theodorakis [2008] examined the effects of a self-talk intervention on self-efficacy and performance among young tennis players. The results revealed that the use of motivational self-talk significantly increased both self-efficacy and performance, compared to a control group. In addition, it was revealed that increases in self-efficacy were related to increases in performance, thus providing supporting evidence for the mediating role of self-efficacy. Similar findings have been reported by Zetou, Vernadakis, Bebetsos, and Makraki [2012] who examined the effects of instructional self-talk on the learning of a volley service skill and self-efficacy among young female volley players. The results indicated that the self-talk group displayed better performance and reported increased self-efficacy compared to a control group. Chang et al. [2014] examined the effects of self-talk on softball-throwing performance and self-efficacy. The results revealed that both instructional and motivational self-talk improved performance; in addition, they reported increases in self-efficacy for the motivational self-talk group. Overall, the self-efficacy hypothesis has received more research attention compared to other potential mechanisms, and considerable support as a plausible self-talk mechanism.

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Guided Mastery Therapy☆

A. Hoffart, in Reference Module in Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Psychology, 2017

Theoretical Bases

Guided mastery therapy is based on the self-efficacy theory. In contrast to purely behavioral formulations, this theory holds that cognitive processes play a dominant role in the acquisition and retention of new behavior patterns. From observing others, one forms a conception of how new behavior patterns are performed. From observing the effects of one's actions, one forms a conception of the appropriate behavior. Efficacy expectations are distinguished from outcome expectations. An efficacy expectation can be defined as a person's conviction that one can successfully execute the behavior required to produce certain outcomes, whereas an outcome expectation is the estimate that a given behavior will lead to the outcomes. For instance, a person may refrain from acting friendly toward others either because he/she does not believe this will lead to desired outcomes or because he/she does not believe he/she has the capability to act friendly.

A main assumption of the self-efficacy model is that psychological procedures, whatever their form, serve as means of creating or strengthening expectations of personal efficacy. Self-efficacy may be affected by verbal persuasion, vicarious experience [seeing another person cope with the task], imaginal enactment [imagining oneself doing it], or emotional arousal, but direct performance accomplishments are believed to provide far the most convincing evidence that one possesses the needed abilities. Thus, although the self-efficacy model is based on a cognitive mechanism, it postulates that change is achieved mainly through behavior.

Performance inhibitions and deficits are obvious features of anxiety, and, as mentioned above, a self-efficacy model has in particular been applied to the analysis and treatment of anxiety problems and disorders. People perceive threat and become anxious when they believe that they will be hurt, regardless of what they do. This belief may either be based on efficacy or on outcome expectations: people can experience threat because they lack a sense of efficacy in achieving the behavior required to avert the dangerous events, or because they believe that the events are uncontrollable, although they may be assured of their capabilities. Theorists from various orientations may agree on these statements. However, the self-efficacy theory makes the additional claim that anxiety and anxiety disorders are primarily maintained by low self-efficacy that one is not able to exercise personal control, and not by beliefs that the threatening events themselves are uncontrollable. Recently, the concept of self-efficacy has been extended to covert activity. It is supposed that an individual's perceived ability to control and dismiss scary thoughts may be an important determinant of anxiety.

This general view of anxiety is reflected in self-efficacy models of specific clinical disorders. For instance, the self-efficacy model holds that agoraphobia is maintained by beliefs that one lacks the capabilities required to perform the feared activities. Low self-efficacy is maintained by avoidance behavior and by performing feared activities in an awkward and restricted way. By contrast, cognitive therapy models holds that agoraphobia results from catastrophic misinterpretations of bodily sensations. Agoraphobic avoidance is construed as safety behavior, designed to avert the occurrence of uncontrollable events such as getting a heart attack or going crazy. Both these models contrast with behavioral accounts, where agoraphobic avoidance is seen as a way of reducing anxiety and panic. With regard to panic disorder, self-efficacy for exercising control over negative internal states such as feelings of panic, anxiety-related bodily symptoms, or scary trains of thought is suggested as an important target of treatment.

There is an interesting mismatch between the general self-efficacy model of anxiety and the principles of anxiety treatment. In the general model, it is assumed that self-efficacy is enhanced by demonstrations that one is able to behaviorally prevent the occurrence of a threatening, aversive event. For instance, to prevent falling when feeling dizzy in heights, or to prevent being knocked down when assaulted. In guided mastery practice, on the other hand, one relies heavily on demonstrations that one is able to overcome the tendencies to avoid feared activities or to use defensive behaviors during performance. Direct evidence that one is able to exert personal control over the occurrence of a threatening event is seldom involved. Thus, self-efficacy with respect to overcoming avoidant and defensive tendencies and self-efficacy with respect to behavioral control over threatening events should be conceptually separated. This distinction may lead to more differentiated treatment interventions. In some cases, it may be useful to seek out or produce the threatening situation in order to experience direct control. For instance, a height phobic may benefit from producing dizziness by deliberately overbreathing when in heights and experience that he/she is still able to prevent falling.

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Decision-Making in Sports: A Cognitive and Neural Basis Perspective☆

Gershon Tenenbaum, Edson Filho, in Reference Module in Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Psychology, 2017

Self-Efficacy and DM

The social cognitive theory, in particular Bandura's [1977] self-efficacy theory, has important implications in sport DM. The beliefs athletes hold in their ability to make the right decision at the right time can be viewed as a coping strategy for handling pressure under competitive conditions. Self-efficacy in the context of sport DM has two dimensions: [a] confidence one has in successfully anticipating and selecting the right response, and [b] the efficacy one has in executing the selected response. The current research indicates that self-efficacy in anticipatory decisions differs among novice, intermediate, and expert athletes. For instance, in fast ball games, experts display moderate levels of self-efficacy in their anticipatory decisions at early stages of response preparation. After an executive decision is made [e.g., the racket-ball contact], experts DM related efficacy beliefs increases sharply. In novice and intermediate players, anticipatory self-efficacy remains moderate throughout the full duration of the task.

The dynamic changes in self-efficacy reported by experts and novices is likely due to the fact that perceptual decisions and confidence judgments do not share the same neural circuits in the brain. Specifically, neuropsychological evidence suggests that DM and confidence judgments are likely processed and encoded in different areas in the prefrontal cortex [Grimaldi et al., 2015]. Notwithstanding, it is important to note that once an executive decision has been made and implemented, experts are able to engage in retrospective metacognitive thinking [see Fleming and Dolan, 2012], whereas novices cannot. That is, drawing from their extensive domain-specific mental representations, experts are able to confidently judge whether their decision was accurate or not.

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Social Loafing

Francisco Gil, in Encyclopedia of Applied Psychology, 2004

3.5 Self-Efficacy

The two opposite phenomena of social loafing and social facilitation can be explained through the self-efficacy theory. Thus, the effort that individuals are willing to make will depend on the level of self-efficacy for the task. If they perceive themselves as having high self-efficacy for the task, they will probably be willing to work hard when they perform alone or alongside coactors [social facilitation]. Individuals in this situation feel responsible and self-confident about their performance. In contrast, individuals who believe that they have low self-efficacy for the task are less likely to work hard, especially when their performance is being evaluated [social loafing].

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Measures of the Trait of Confidence

Lazar Stankov, ... Simon A. Jackson, in Measures of Personality and Social Psychological Constructs, 2015

Trait-Robustness of Self-Confidence Inventory [TROSCI]

[Beattie et al., 2011].

Variable

Beattie et al. defined confidence in terms of Bandura’s [1997] self-efficacy theory as a self-belief related to one’s ability to perform tasks which can vary on three dimensions: level, generality, and strength.

Description

The TROSCI was designed to assess an athlete’s ‘ability to maintain confidence in the face of adversity’ [Beattie et al., 2011, p. 184] with eight self-report items such as, ‘If I perform poorly, my confidence is not badly affected.’ Each item is rated on a 9-point Likert-type scale [ranging from 1 = Strongly Disagree; 5 = Neutral; and 9 = Strongly Agree].

Sample

The TROSCI was developed with samples of 268 university athletes involved in their respective sport for an average of 6.42 years [148 male; Mage = 19.2 years], and 176 male adult athletes involved in their respective sport for an average of 9.8 years [Mage = 20.4 years]. Item means ranged between 3.88 and 4.71, with standard deviations between 1.87 and 2.19.

Reliability

Internal Consistency

A Cronbach alpha coefficient of .88 has been reported [Beattie et al., 2011].

Test–Retest

One-week test–retest reliability has been reported with r = .90 [Beattie et al., 2011].

Validity

Convergent/Concurrent

TROSCI scores correlated significantly and positively with the Trait Sports Confidence Inventory [.44], a measure of athletes’ general sense of confidence described below.

Divergent/Discriminant

Divergent validity has not been assessed to-date.

Construct/Factor Analytic

Separate confirmatory factor analyses were conducted on the two samples described above [Beattie et al., 2011]. Both demonstrated that a single latent factor provided a good fit to the data and did not differ significantly with respect to model fit from a two-factor model. Sample 1 fit: S-B χ254 = 115.00, CFI = .97, RMSEA = .07, SRMR = .05; Sample 2 fit: S-B χ220 = 29.36, CFI = .97, RMSEA = .05, SRMR = .04.

Criterion/Predictive

TROSCI scores obtained five days prior to sporting competition were significantly and negatively correlated with state confidence variability leading up to competition [r = –.37, p < .01]. Furthermore, these TROSCI scores predicted post competition state confidence incrementally over state confidence measured one hour prior to competition and a measure of performance experience measured immediately post competition [from –3 = perform much worse than usual; to +3 = perform much better than usual].

Location

Beattie, S., Hardy, L., Savage, J., Woodman, T., & Callow, N. [2011]. Development and validation of a trait measure of robustness of self-confidence. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 12[2], 184–191.

Results and Comments

The TROSCI is a short, well-constructed scale that lends itself to adaptation for the study of confidence in other specific domains. Given its novelty, further investigation regarding its incremental utility over existing scales, such as the Trait Sports Confidence Inventory [below] is recommended before using it in isolation. Furthermore, considering the large proportion of male athletes used in its construction, a larger female sample will be needed to examine gender differences.

Trait-Robustness of Self-Confidence Inventory

Please read the instructions carefully before responding to the statements.

Think about your confidence and how your performance may affect your confidence generally.

The statements below describe how you may feel generally about your confidence, answer each statement by circling the number that corresponds to how strongly you agree or disagree generally. Please try and respond to each item separately.

The terms competition refers to matches, tournaments or other competitive events.

Please answer the item as honestly and accurately as possible. There are no right or wrong answers. Your response will be kept confidential.

Each question is accompanied by the following rating scale:

Strongly disagree Neutral Strongly agree
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

A bad result in competition has a very negative effect on my self- confidence.*

My self-confidence goes up and down a lot.*

Negative feedback from others does not affect my level of self-confidence.

If I perform poorly, my confidence is not badly affected.

My self-confidence is stable; it does not vary much at all.

My self-confidence is not greatly affected by the outcome of competition.

If I make a mistake it has quite a large detrimental effect on my self-confidence.*

My self-confidence remains stable regardless of fluctuations in fitness level.

Note: *Reverse scored item.

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What is the concept of having confidence in one's ability to take action and change a behavior this concept is included in multiple health behavior models?

Self-efficacy - This refers to the level of a person's confidence in his or her ability to successfully perform a behavior. This construct was added to the model most recently in mid-1980.

What is meant by self

Self-efficacy is a person's belief in their ability to succeed in a particular situation. Psychologist Albert Bandura described these beliefs as determinants of how people think, behave, and feel. 1.

What is the concept of social cognitive theory that has to do with confidence in ability to take action and persist in action?

Self-efficacy, or a person's confidence in his or her ability to take action and to persist in that action despite obstacles or challenges, seems to be especially important for influencing health behavior and dietary change efforts [25].

What are the 4 components of self

Bandura [1997] proposed four sources of self-efficacy: mastery experiences, vicarious experiences, verbal persuasion, and physiological and affective states.

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